Economist: Public concern over potential exchange rate changes following the formation of the new government
Economic researcher Diaa Abdul Karim said on Wednesday that there is anticipation and fear among the Iraqi public regarding a decision by the next government to change the exchange rate of the dollar against the dinar.
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Abdul Karim told Al-Maalomah, “The previous governments made a change in the exchange rate, and this matter has caused harm to the Iraqi street, especially at the level of the individual and the burdens of living.”
He added that "changing the exchange rate towards reducing the value of the dinar means an overall rise in prices, which is a matter that raises concerns among Iraqi citizens who have become accustomed to such decisions with the birth of new governments."
He indicated that "there is an urgent need for assurances from those in charge of the political process or the largest bloc, to clarify the nature of the government program for the next phase, specifically whether it includes a change in the dinar's value against the dollar or maintaining the status quo.
An economist says US sanctions are on their way out and Iraqi banks are entering a phase of openness.
Anticipated financial breakthrough
Economic expert Manar al-Obeidi affirmed that Iraq is moving towards greater banking openness, which will facilitate the flow of funds and create a more attractive environment for investors. He noted that the government has successfully addressed most of the financial issues with the United States, which will gradually reduce the impact of sanctions. Al-Obeidi emphasized the need to eliminate overlapping jurisdictions among institutions and grant investment authorities broader powers to ensure a clear plan that supports economic development.
Manar Al-Obaidi – an economic expert, in a dialogue with journalist Ali Qazan:
The Iraqi banking sector is moving towards greater openness to the world, away from the problems and difficulties that were occurring, and I believe that this will be positive in terms of investment and money transfers.
The significant overlap in powers between institutions is one of the biggest challenges facing investors. Therefore, this problem and overlap must be addressed, and broader powers must be granted to investment authorities in the governorate, and there must be a clear plan for investment in Iraq.
The Iraqi government has been able to resolve many of the financial issues with the American side. With the reforms that Iraq has undertaken to enhance transparency and prevent money laundering and smuggling, I expect that over time the impact of the American sanctions will largely disappear.
Central Bank of Iraq: Net currency in circulation exceeds 92 trillion dinars in one month
The Central Bank of Iraq revealed on Tuesday that the net currency in circulation amounted to more than 92 trillion dinars during September 2025.
The bank stated in a statistic seen by Shafaq News Agency that the net currency in circulation amounted to 92.185 trillion dinars in September, down from 93.090 trillion dinars in August.
The bank added that the currency issued by it amounted to 99.681 trillion dinars, while the currency held by banks amounted to 7.496 trillion dinars.
The bank indicated that the issued currency is the money that the state prints through the central bank for the purpose of circulation, and it includes banknotes of paper and metal denominations circulating outside the vaults of the central bank.
Dhi Qar: Announcement of a new batch of compensation checks under Article 140
The Committee for the Implementation of Article 140 of the Constitution announced today the release of a new batch of financial checks for beneficiaries of compensation, calling on citizens whose names are listed in the attached lists to visit the committee’s office in Baghdad to receive their previously issued checks before their expiry date.
The committee stated in a press release received by Nasiriyah News Network that the current batch includes 103 bank checks ready for disbursement. It emphasized the necessity for applicants to bring the required documents, which include valid and certified legal powers of attorney for 2025 with a barcode, a copy of the 2025 inheritance certificate, two copies of the identification documents for all
heirs, and two personal photographs for each heir.
The committee stressed the importance of expediting the application process to ensure the checks are disbursed within the legal timeframe and to avoid the loss of rights due to the checks' expiration
Finance Minister: Public debt is within safe limits, and plans are in place to maximize revenues and reduce expenditures.
Finance Minister Taif Sami confirmed on Tuesday that the level of public debt in Iraq remains stable and within safe limits, while the ministry continues to implement financial policies aimed at maximizing revenues and reducing spending.
Sami told the Iraqi News Agency, as reported by Iraq Observer, that “the ministry has maintained the sustainability of public debt by scheduling and managing it according to the approved frameworks,” indicating that “the remaining external debts do not exceed $3 billion within the Paris Club agreement, compared to other unrecognized debts amounting to about $40 billion.”
She added that “external debt repayments are carried out annually and regularly, while internal debt is managed according to normal financial contexts and in accordance with international standards.”
The minister pointed out that “improving tax and customs collection, in addition to automating the work of the Ministry of Electricity, will be an important factor in reducing the pressure on the public treasury,” stressing that “the ministry is currently working to reduce the deficit in future budgets by controlling expenditures and rationalizing spending.”
The first crisis after the government transitioned to a caretaker role falls on the shoulders of the citizens: Iraq is without cash.
Looming
The recent decision by the Federal Court, which definitively ended the parliamentary term and designated the current government as a caretaker administration, has profoundly altered the state's ability to manage its finances. According to the constitution, a caretaker government is barred from any powers related to domestic or foreign borrowing, entering into major contracts, or authorizing investment spending. This has placed Iraq in a highly sensitive financial predicament at a time of political instability.
This decision did not come about naturally, but rather coincided with a government vacuum expected to last for many months due to negotiations to form a new government. With the end of the fiscal year approaching and the 2025 budget still unapproved, the government's ability to use any exceptional financial tools to address the deficit has been frozen, while operational spending continues to balloon without any legal basis for funding.
Thus, the way was opened for warnings from experts, foremost among them Nabil Al-Marsoumi, who believes that preventing borrowing under a caretaker government practically means that Iraq is entering a danger zone, with the possibility of the “first financial catastrophe” occurring if an urgent legal solution is not found or political understandings are not accelerated to form a new government with full powers.
According to economists , this situation is unprecedented since 2003, as Iraq has never before faced such a severe financial constraint while burdened with enormous financial obligations, including salaries, social protection, food subsidies, energy costs, and project loans. With no fully empowered government, the Ministry of Finance is operating within a limited scope, allowing it only the necessary expenditures to keep government services running, leaving it with no room for maneuver.
This restriction directly clashed with the results of recent years, as the operating budget expanded to record levels, the number of employees and contractors ballooned, and the payroll bill rose to more than 70 trillion dinars annually, while non-oil revenues remained at modest limits not exceeding 9 trillion dinars.
The court's decision coincided with a significant decline in foreign currency reserves due to the gap between the central bank's purchases of hard currency for the Ministry of Finance and its sales through the dollar window to meet commercial demand. This decline further limited the state's ability to use reserves as a temporary financing alternative at a time when year-end obligations are mounting.
The most alarming aspect is that this fiscal constraint is occurring at a time when the country is experiencing a slowdown in overall economic performance, rising multidimensional poverty rates, and declining service levels, along with signs of expanding unemployment and weakening productivity. According to observers, this makes any unfunded fiscal deficit a multiplier of the social crisis.
The Kurdistan Regional Government transfers 120 billion dinars in cash to the federal treasury.
The Ministry of Finance and Economy of the Kurdistan Regional Government announced on Tuesday the date for transferring the federal treasury’s share of the region’s non-oil revenues, amounting to 120 billion Iraqi dinars.
The ministry's media office said in a statement received by Shafaq News Agency that "the final account report for September has been sent to the Ministry of Finance in the federal government, and tomorrow morning the federal treasury's share of the region's non-oil revenues will be transferred to the bank account of the Iraqi Ministry of Finance."
He added that “tomorrow, Wednesday, an amount of (120,000,000,000) one hundred and twenty billion dinars will be transferred in cash as part of the federal treasury from the non-oil revenues of the Kurdistan Region for the month of September, to the bank account of the Federal Ministry of Finance in the Erbil branch of the Central Bank of Iraq.”
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Maliki and Sudani will lead the Shiites together to negotiate with all sects.
The Prime Minister accepted the firm "veto"
Kamel Al-Kinani, a researcher and political analyst close to the Coordination Framework, revealed on Tuesday that the Framework has formed a committee for alliances and dialogue with others, consisting of the head of the State of Law Coalition, Nouri Al-Maliki, the head of the Reconstruction and Development Coalition, Mohammed Shia Al-Sudani, and the head of the Sumerians Movement, Ahmed Al-Asadi, noting that the Framework decided during yesterday’s meeting not to renew Al-Sudani’s term.
Kamel Al-Kinani – Researcher and Political Analyst, in an interview with journalist Salma Al-Hajj:
As a Muslim citizen in Iraq, I would like to see an Islamic republic, since 95%-96% of the people are Muslim, and I believe it is necessary to form an Islamic republic, led by the largest group in Iraq, the Shiites.
Al-Sudani met with the framework to discuss a second term, and the framework decided not to grant Al-Sudani a second term, leaving Al-Sudani with no other option but to join the framework.
The next prime minister will be from within the framework, and I believe he will be a strong and socially acceptable figure, perhaps Mr. Maliki or perhaps Mr. Faleh al-Fayyad.
The Alliances and Dialogue Committee with others within the coordination framework consists of: Al-Maliki, Al-Asadi and Al-Sudani. This committee will undertake the task of dialogue with other political forces to arrange alliances.
The "framework" is burning the names of candidates for prime minister and keeping the identity of two "secret" until the last moment.
Sudanese joins the Shiite alliance hours before the announcement of the "largest bloc"
The "coordination framework" is keeping the names of two potential prime ministerial candidates secret, away from media speculation until the last possible moment, amid expectations that their identities will be decided by the end of this year or early 2026.
On Monday evening, following the release of the final election results, parties within the Shiite alliance declared themselves the "largest bloc" in parliament.
In a statement issued after a last-minute meeting attended by caretaker Prime Minister Mohammed al-Sudani, the alliance announced the formation of a committee to select the next prime minister.
Media outlets are circulating at least ten names as potential successors to al-Sudani, most notably Mohammed al-Sudani himself, Nouri al-Maliki, leader of the State of Law Coalition, and Interior Minister Abdul Amir al-Shammari.
The Federal Court announced the transfer of al-Sudani's government's powers to a "caretaker" role, according to analysts, to limit the use of state resources in negotiations to form the next government. The court also dissolved parliament.
“It’s not a personal ambition,”
said al-Sudani, who is seeking a second term in the elections held last week, as was understood from his remarks yesterday at a dialogue seminar at the American University in Duhok.
The caretaker prime minister stated that “the Reconstruction and Development Coalition is a fundamental component of the Coordination Framework, and yesterday (last Monday) the Framework met and decided to form the largest parliamentary bloc.”
He indicated that the Framework “will begin dialogues with the other political blocs to establish constitutional entitlements and form the presidencies, and this is the path we believe in.”
Al-Sudani emphasized that the issue of a second term is not a personal ambition as much as it is “a readiness to bear responsibility, complete the project we started, and build upon the achievements on the ground, and a well-deserved victory for the bloc that won first place.”
According to the final results of the parliamentary elections, the political alliance led by al-Sudani won the largest number of seats in parliament, but forming the new government may take more time, according to a Shiite leader.
Trial balloons,
a leader told Al-Mada, "The names being floated for the premiership are merely trial balloons to gauge public opinion and the reactions of other political forces, including the Coordination Framework's announcement of its conditions for selecting the next prime minister."
According to its latest statement, the Framework decided to form two leadership committees: the first will discuss national priorities for the next phase and develop a unified vision for the requirements of governing the state, while the second will interview candidates for the prime ministership based on professional and national criteria.
But the leader, who is close to the Shiite "political kitchen," confirms that the process of "burning names" will continue until the coordination framework reaches the last two names within the group of candidates, indicating that the alliance is withholding the names of the two final candidates until the last moments, expecting that this will be decided at best by the end of this year, or perhaps extend to February 2026.
The statement of the coordination framework had confirmed its commitment to the "constitutional timelines," considering them "a guarantee for an organized constitutional transition that respects the will of the voters."
Regarding al-Sudani's attendance at the recent meeting of the Shiite alliance, where it declared itself the "largest bloc," the leader stated, "The agreement to add al-Sudani to the coordination framework was reached just hours before the meeting." He added, "We had decided that the coordination framework would be limited to 120 seats only, excluding the 46 seats allocated to the Reconstruction and Development Coalition."
The leader, who previously served as a minister in past governments, clarified that al-Sudani's inclusion in the coordination framework did
not entail any guarantees of a second term. He noted that several parties within the Shiite alliance consider al-Sudani their "last resort" for the premiership, most notably Nouri al-Maliki.
Al-Sudani had been absent from the penultimate coordination framework meeting, held the night before the election last week, choosing instead to sit in a café in the Karrada district of central Baghdad.
The Independent High Electoral Commission reported that al-Sudani's list won the most seats in the 329-seat parliament.
The list of candidates
is circulating, and Sudani faces strong competition from Nouri al-Maliki for the premiership. The name of former Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi has also been frequently mentioned, though his office has denied these reports.
A spokesperson for al-Abadi's "Victory Coalition" stated yesterday that there is no agreement within the Coordination Framework to nominate any candidate at this stage, emphasizing: "We deny the validity of the circulating news regarding the Coordination Framework's agreement to nominate Dr. Haider al-Abadi."
Al-Abadi, who appeared in the Coordination Framework's photos released at the last meeting, had previously refused to participate in the 2025 elections, citing what he described as the "domination of political money" and "vote buying."
Other names being discussed in the media as potential candidates for the next prime minister include Qasim al-Araji, the National Security Advisor; Asaad al-Eidani, the Governor of Basra; and Abdul-Hussein Abtan, the former Minister of Youth and Sports.
Also mentioned are Abdul-Amir al-Shammari, the Minister of the Interior; Hadi al-Amiri, the head of the Badr Organization; Hamid al-Shatri, the head of the Intelligence Service; and Ali Shukri, a former minister and member of parliament.
Studies Center: The framework may achieve the largest bloc to form a government without Sudanese
The political landscape may differ from the results of the ballot boxes.
A report by the Washington Institute for Near East Policy indicated that despite Mohammed Shia al-Sudani's victory in the elections, securing 46 seats, he will face significant challenges in forming a government. The report suggested that the Coordination Framework Coalition is likely to form the largest bloc, potentially sufficient to form a government without al-Sudani. This could reshape the political landscape in a direction entirely different from the election results. The report indicated that the government formation process will be slow, potentially taking 8 to 11 months, as has happened previously.
The results of the Iraqi parliamentary elections on November 11 were encouraging, including for relations with the United States. However, the bloc that came in first—the Reconstruction and Development Alliance led by current Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani—won only 15% of the parliamentary seats (46 out of 329). Consequently, Iraq is likely to experience a long and tedious period of political bargaining before a new government is formed, similar to the delays that followed previous elections (eight months in 2010 and eleven months between 2021 and 2022).
The biggest winner last week was al-Sudani, whose coalition garnered 1.3 million votes out of nearly 11 million, surpassing the State of Law coalition by 370,000 votes. Al-Sudani’s strategy differed significantly from the 2021 elections, when his list won only two seats, yet he was ultimately promoted to prime minister with the support of the Coordination Framework. This year, al-Sudani campaigned on his domestic achievements, without clear backing from Tehran or its proxies.
The report suggests that despite al-Sudani’s success, the Coordination Framework may still control the largest bloc in parliament, almost enough to form a government.
Why did al-Sudani perform so well despite the criticism?
When al-Sudani began his first term, many Iraqis, fed up with corruption and the lack of services, believed he would be unable to deliver anything for the people. However, his performance over the past period seems to have resonated positively with the public, particularly with Sunni voters who turned out in large numbers on election day. This, coupled with the low Shiite turnout, appears to have helped him secure gains at the polls. Pre-election polls showed that 58% of Sunni and Shia Arabs trusted al-Sudani, the highest rating of any candidate. (Sadr garnered 62% but chose not to participate.) Sunnis also gave al-Sudani’s government relatively high marks for service delivery.
His most notable achievement was infrastructure projects in Baghdad. Polls indicated that his government was most associated with “roads and buildings,” while The Economist recently described the capital as a “thriving metropolis.”
Iraq’s regional standing also improved under al-Sudani. After pledging to work with Ankara to expel Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) elements, Baghdad reopened the long-dormant Ceyhan oil pipeline between Iraqi Kurdistan and Turkey and signed an unprecedented water cooperation agreement with Ankara. Al-Sudani also bolstered Iraq’s efforts toward energy independence and improved relations with Arab neighbors and Washington, including his attendance last month at the Gaza ceasefire ceremony in Sharm el-Sheikh.
But critics of al-Sudani point out that he did virtually nothing to combat rampant corruption, instead reinforcing a sectarian power-sharing system that divides political and economic spoils based on identity rather than merit. Meanwhile, to finance a construction boom in Baghdad, he reportedly drastically cut funding to several provinces, while his preferred method for combating unemployment—which remained high—was to hire nearly a million new government employees, creating a massive budget deficit. He also faced heavy criticism for passing a law lowering the legal age of marriage to nine.
The next steps in forming a government:
During Iraq’s complex government formation process, the outgoing government remains in a caretaker capacity with very limited powers. This dysfunctional transition—which can last for a full year—is partly a natural consequence of multi-party parliamentary systems that require coalition-building (as in Germany and France). But it is also a product of specific provisions in the Iraqi constitution and the way politicians approach governance. The formal process appears simple at first glance. After the election results are certified, the president calls for the new parliament to convene within 15 days. In the first session, the speaker and two deputies must be elected by a simple majority. Parliament can then choose a new speaker (by a two-thirds majority) or extend the term of the current speaker. Then comes the most delicate step. Within 15 days of their selection, the president must task the largest bloc in parliament with forming a government. This year, the likely candidate is al-Sudani, although past maneuvers have ousted the frontrunner.
Iraq’s political system relies on the inclusion of as many parties as possible in government—rather than a clear majority and opposition model. The Shia are divided into numerous blocs vying for the premiership, forcing candidates to court the Kurds and Sunni Arabs. As a result, the government formation process becomes a game of "no final decision until every detail is settled," even ministerial posts, delaying constitutional procedures for months, as happened with the 2010 and 2022 governments.
The report concludes that despite Sudani's strong performance in the elections, he will face significant difficulty in forming a coalition capable of securing a second term. After supporting him in 2021, the coordinating framework now regrets its support and will not back his return.
(From the Washington Institute for Near East Policy)
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The Sudanese does not rule out a "second term" and complains: The election law caused a waste of votes.
Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani hinted on Tuesday at his desire to head the next Iraqi government, considering his obtaining a second term not as a personal ambition as it is an electoral entitlement due to the “Reconstruction and Development” bloc, which he leads, receiving the highest number of votes in the country’s sixth parliamentary elections that took place recently.
His remarks came during his participation in a special dialogue seminar on the sidelines of the Middle East Peace and Security Forum/MEPS 2025, in its sixth edition, organized by the American University in Duhok.
Al-Sudani said during the interview that in every parliamentary election the results were not the deciding factor in forming the government, adding, "Today the Reconstruction and Development Coalition is an essential part of the coordinating framework, and yesterday the framework met and decided to form the largest parliamentary bloc."
He added that the framework "will begin dialogues with the other political blocs to establish constitutional entitlements and form presidencies, and this is the required path."
Al-Sudani went on to say, “As for the issue of a second term, it is not a personal ambition as much as it is a readiness to bear responsibility and complete the project that we started, and the achievement that was realized on the ground with a well-deserved victory for the bloc that won first place in these elections, which is the ‘Reconstruction and Development’ bloc.”
The Sudanese president speaks about the government's achievements and affirms: A second term is not a personal ambition.
Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani confirmed on Tuesday that talk of a second term is not related to personal ambition, but rather comes within the framework of seeking to complete the reconstruction and services project that his government started during the past two years.
Al-Sudani said during a dialogue session at the launch of the Middle East Peace and Security Forum/MEPS 2025, organized by the American University in Duhok, Kurdistan Region, that “in every parliamentary election, the results were not the deciding factor in forming the government,” indicating that “the Reconstruction and Development Coalition is part of the coordination framework and the largest bloc.”
He pointed out that "a second term is not a personal ambition, but rather to take responsibility for completing the mission and what we have in terms of project and vision for the next stage."
He noted that "all political forces are keen to adhere to the constitutional timelines for forming the government," stressing that "the parliamentary elections proceeded very smoothly."
Al-Sudani explained: “We are in favor of maintaining the election law and not changing it in every cycle, and the waste of votes in the application of this law must be addressed,” noting “the need for the people’s representatives to discuss the issue of the election law to prevent the waste of electoral votes.”
He stated that "there are no political problems between the governments of Baghdad and Erbil," noting that "we have come a long way in overcoming many of the inherited problems between Baghdad and Erbil, including company contracts and the resumption of oil exports."
The Prime Minister added that "our government places the interests of the people of Iraqi Kurdistan on an equal footing with all Iraqis," adding that "Iraq will not be an arena for the influence of any country, and we respect our relations with countries."
He added, "What is being circulated in the media about the existence of external pressures is something that will not happen," explaining that "we have a clear vision to end the flaring of gas and stop importing it by 2028."
The Prime Minister added: "We have implemented financial reforms for the first time in Iraq," stressing that "there is an attractive environment for investments in Iraq."
Al-Sudani pointed out that "we have more than 50 factories that export their products outside of Iraq," indicating that "we have set priorities within an economic vision."
Al-Sudani added that "unemployment rates have decreased from 17 to 13 percent," stating that "we were able to establish a concept among young people that a government job is not the only opportunity for work, but the private sector as well."
The Prime Minister revealed that "the Entrepreneurship Initiative has attracted 550,000 young men and women," noting that "there are many shared opportunities between Baghdad and Erbil that benefit everyone."
Duhok Governorate is hosting the sixth Middle East Peace and Security Forum on Tuesday, which will serve as an important platform for discussing the future of the region.
Sudanese: We have made great strides in addressing inherited problems between the central government and the region.
Prime Minister Mohammed Shia Al-Sudani indicated on Tuesday, November 18, 2025: “The second term is not a personal ambition, but rather to bear the responsibility of completing the mission and what we have of a project and vision for the next stage.”
During his participation in the Middle East Peace and Security Forum organized by the American University in Duhok, Al-Sudani said: “The coordination framework will begin dialogue with the political blocs to form the presidencies.” He pointed out that “we have made significant progress in addressing inherited problems between the central government and the region.”
He added: “All political forces are keen to adhere to the constitutional timelines for forming the government,” explaining: “The parliamentary elections proceeded very smoothly.”
Al-Sudani emphasized, "We support maintaining the current election law and not changing it every election cycle. The waste of votes in implementing this law must be addressed. Iraq will not be an arena for any country's influence, and we respect our relations with all countries." He added, "What is being circulated in the media about external pressure is untrue."
The Prime Minister added, “There is an attractive investment environment in Iraq, with more than 50 factories exporting their products. We have a clear vision to end gas flaring and halt imports by 2028. We have also implemented unprecedented financial reforms in Iraq, and unemployment has decreased from 17% to 13%. We have succeeded in instilling in young people the understanding that government jobs are not the only employment opportunities; the private sector is also a viable option. The Entrepreneurship Initiative has attracted 550,000 young men and women.”
Iraq’s PM Sudani joins majority bloc in parliament
- Al-Sudani said seeking a second term “is not about personal ambition, but about fulfilling his responsibility to see through the mission“
- During his first term Sudani had pursued policies vowing reconstruction and stability in Iraq
BAGHDAD: Iraq’s incumbent Prime Minister Mohammed Shia Al-Sudani said Tuesday he had joined the country’s main Shiite alliance, the majority bloc that will nominate the next premier.
The move by Sudani, who is seeking a second term as prime minister, gives the Coordination Framework alliance of Shiite factions an outright majority of 175 seats in the 329-seat chamber.
During a conference in the northern city of Duhok, Sudani said his alliance “the Reconstruction and Development coalition is part of the Coordination Framework, which has decided to form the largest bloc.”
He added that seeking a second term “is not about personal ambition, but about fulfilling his responsibility to see through the mission.”
During his first term Sudani had pursued policies vowing reconstruction and stability in Iraq.
He added that talks will begin among key parties about naming the new premier, speaker and president.
By convention in Iraq, a Shiite Muslim holds the post of prime minister, a Sunni is parliament speaker, and the largely ceremonial presidency goes to a Kurd.
On Monday, the Coordination Framework alliance announced that it had formed the majority bloc, which would ultimately nominate the next prime minister.
Brought to power three years ago by the Framework, Sudani’s own list secured 46 seats in the chamber.
Joining the Coordination Framework does not guarantee Sudani a second term.
Long-term powerbrokers within the Coordination Framework worry that he has amassed too much power during his first term, making some reluctant to allow him to keep his seat.
Within the Coordination Framework, whose members have varying ties to Iran, some individual groups also scored well, with some winning more seats than in the previous parliament.
Post-election talks between Shiite, Sunni and Kurdish parties in Iraq usually last for months, with constitutional deadlines frequently missed.
But as Iraq has recently regained some stability after decades of war, key parties hope to reach a full package deal — premier, speaker and president — before the new parliament convenes in January.
UN representative in Iraq: "The 'new Middle East' can only be shaped by its own people."
The Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General for Iraq, Mohammed al-Hassan, affirmed on Tuesday that the "new Middle East" can only be shaped by its own people, while also indicating the UN's readiness to provide all forms of assistance to Iraq.
Speaking at the Sixth Middle East Peace and Security Forum in Dohuk Governorate, al-Hassan stated, as reported by Al-Ghad Press, that "Iraq's journey towards sustainable development has begun, and the new Middle East can only be shaped by its own people."
He added that "the peoples of the Middle East are weary of wars, after more than 400 years of conflicts, crises, and occupation," calling for "easing the burden on the region's peoples, especially since the Middle East and Iraq are the cradle of civilizations, and it is time for them to shine with civilization as they once did."
He continued, "Moving towards a better future requires wise leadership working for the common good, as the Iraqi people are a creative people," explaining that "the next and true battle is not political, but rather an arena of intellectual and scientific excellence, and Iraq has already begun laying the foundations for such projects."
Al-Hassan stressed "the need to focus on politics and the knowledge economy," emphasizing that "the United Nations is ready to provide all forms of assistance to Iraq."
Photo: The first handshake between Al-Sudani and Al-Kadhimi... a lot of "eye contact"
Former Prime Minister Mustafa Al-Kadhimi, known for his "generous smiles," did not give one to Prime Minister Mohammed Shia Al-Sudani when cameras captured the first handshake between the two men on the sidelines of the Middle East Forum in Dohuk.
According to initial information obtained by Network 964, the Sudanese man entered the reception hall in Dohuk today, while Al-Kadhimi was seated. After the Prime Minister shook hands with all those present, the two men were forced to shake hands, and Al-Kadhimi appeared, unusually, frowning and unable to feign any courtesy.
On October 28, 2022, Al-Kadhimi handed over his responsibilities to Al-Sudani and left the palace and then the country, but the issues continued to haunt him in the new era. An atmosphere of astonishment prevails within Al-Kadhimi's team regarding the "harshness and insistence" to which the pillars of the previous government were subjected. It is not possible to prove specific official facts about a feud between the two men, but it is also difficult to find evidence and...
Al-Kadhimi was not without resourcefulness. Last February, he returned to Baghdad, about 8 months before the elections that Al-Sudani was preparing for well. Al-Kadhimi began his media appearance with a single appearance, most of which he devoted to attacking Al-Sudani’s policies in a rare manner.
Many believe that the coolness between the two men is not due to their differences, but rather the opposite, the convergence of ideas may sometimes cause discord. The two presidents have many common qualities, including trying to maintain balanced relations with the world, being keen to communicate with the West, and that they took over the position from the framework as rescue candidates. This similarity contributes to making each of the two men suitable for the task that many dream of, leading Iraq for a new term.
Many suspected a secret connection between Al-Kadhimi and many of Al-Sudani’s opponents, a new and perhaps rising relationship between Al-Kadhimi and Nouri Al-Maliki, who rejected a second term. Al-Kadhimi became “more dangerous” with the appeasement he enjoys from the factions that once considered him an enemy. In doing so, he is gradually returning to the moment he took over the presidency of the intelligence service in 2017, when he was a man of “zero problems” with everyone, which later led him to the presidency.
A month before the elections, the Sudanese team became more enthusiastic than usual, and its supporters came out brandishing files, information, threats, and warnings, which was included in a long list of wiretapping accusations and had a negative impact.
Last night, Al-Sudani returned to the meetings of the Coordination Framework at Haider Al-Abadi’s house, and put an end – until further notice – to all speculation about his intentions to break away and form a bloc that would cross the framework and win the presidency. Today, the two men shook hands at the Barzani guesthouse, a handshake whose origins have not yet been revealed. Did Al-Sudani hear good news from the framework about a second term at Al-Abadi’s house last night, so he shook hands in triumph, or was it a handshake to request a truce?
Factions "expand" in the Iraqi parliament and impose a new equation on Washington
The morning after the announcement of the Iraqi parliamentary election results, the political arena appeared poised for a different parliament, though the rules of the game hadn't changed entirely. The most notable absence was that of the Sadrists, who boycotted the elections, leaving a void in the Shia community. This void wasn't filled by the civilian groups close to the October protests, whose presence had waned due to internal divisions and a sense of betrayal. Instead, a significant portion of this void flowed in a completely different direction: towards the armed factions, which emerged from the ballot boxes with their largest parliamentary representation since 2003.
The results announced by the commission painted a picture of a parliament with a total of 329 seats, in which the political arms of the armed factions occupy between sixty and seventy seats, led by the Sadiqun Movement affiliated with Asaib Ahl al-Haq with twenty-eight seats, followed by the Badr Organization with about twenty seats, in addition to smaller lists and blocs revolving around what is known as the “resistance factions.”
This parliamentary expansion was not just a numerical surprise to the opponents of these forces, but it immediately turned into a new internal equation that may confuse the calculations of Baghdad, Washington and Tehran alike.
Part of the explanation for this shift lies in the nature of the context in which the elections took place. The absence of the Sadrists, who in the 2021 elections represented a large Shiite popular base and a reservoir of protest and anger at the same time, left a segment of voters without a direct political address.
In contrast, the remaining civil movements that emerged from the October protests appeared unable to transform the previous street momentum into organized representation, after being subjected to security blows, organizational divisions, and partial settlements with the authorities, as those close to this movement say.
In this vacuum, other factors beyond Iraq's borders accumulated. Political analyst Issam Hussein believes that what happened cannot be viewed as a passing shock, but rather as the culmination of a process that began years ago.
Hussein told Shafaq News Agency that the media played a crucial role in "exaggerating the symbolic presence" of the factions, through the discourse of "resistance and steadfastness," but what made the numbers "very impressive," as he described it, was the volatile region surrounding Iraq.
Hussein lists what he calls a series of psychological and political shocks to the Shiite and Arab street, from the Twelve Days War, to the assassination of the Secretary-General of the Lebanese Hezbollah, Hassan Nasrallah, to the Al-Aqsa flood in Gaza, the rise of armed organizations to power in Syria, and then the way the United States dealt with these issues.
According to his analysis, the Iraqi voter in this election cycle has shifted from seeking "services" to seeking "protection." "The voter who, years ago, was swept up by slogans of a civil state and fighting corruption, today finds himself preferring to vote for those who possess weapons, combat experience, and organizational skills in the face of what he sees as an existential threat to the region. He voted for the factions as a reaction to regional upheavals rather than as an open mandate for them."
The paradox that Hussein points out is that the long-standing American hostility towards the factions was not previously a factor in increasing their electoral standing as it has been now.
The assassination of the deputy head of the Popular Mobilization Forces, Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, and the commander of the Iranian Quds Force, Qassem Soleimani, in early 2020, is remembered as a moment that could have generated a massive wave of popular sympathy for the factions, but it did not to a great extent, because the general mood at the time was more preoccupied with the October agenda and overthrowing the system from its roots.
Today, the scene is almost reversed, as the tough American rhetoric towards these forces has turned, in the eyes of a segment of the public, into further evidence of their "competence" to confront foreign influence.
However, the explanation for this rise is not limited to external factors alone. Within Iraq, these results translate into a potential redistribution of power within the ruling system. Political analyst Majash Mohammed describes what has happened as a "remarkable political shift" in the post-2003 trajectory.
Mohammed told Shafaq News Agency that the results reflect "a popular mood that rejects instability and desires representation for forces that have a clear organizational and popular presence," noting that the factions that contested the elections are no longer just armed formations on the margins, but rather political and social networks rooted in governorates, cities and neighborhoods.
From his point of view, this victory will strengthen the presence of those forces within state institutions, and give them greater ability to influence the formation of the next government and set its priorities, especially in sovereign matters, foreign relations, and security and energy policies.
Within the same coordinating framework, Mohammed expects these figures to redistribute roles among its components, so that some centers of gravity gradually shift from the traditional parties to the wings most closely linked to the military arm.
All of this places the position of the current Prime Minister, Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, at the heart of the equation. The man who came to the premiership with the agreement of the factions and with an undeclared Iranian-American blessing, finds himself today facing stronger parliamentary partners who are more skeptical of his intentions, as the political opinion close to the framework suggests that al-Sudani's chances of a second term are "weak".
Mohammed explains that the factions view the last period of al-Sudani’s rule as a phase in which he distanced himself from their camp and moved closer to a regional positioning that leans towards Turkey, Qatar, and currents close to the Muslim Brotherhood. He tried to send signals to Washington that he does not fully endorse the factions’ support for his policies, and that he is ready to talk about controlling weapons. He also surrounded himself with an advisory team and networks within his office that do not look favorably upon the influence of these forces.
In the background, the United States stands watching this shift with a mixture of concern and cold calculation. The US State Department had previously warned Shafaq News Agency, days before the elections, that any expansion of armed factions within state institutions would be a "serious cause for concern," emphasizing the need to restrict weapons to the state and to adhere to security and economic partnership agreements.
Those warnings seemed at the time to be more like preemptive messages, but today they are turning into a framework through which the new scene in Baghdad can be read.
In this context, the US Special Presidential Envoy to Iraq, Mark Savaya, has adopted a more direct tone in his recent statements. He reiterates that the Trump administration "will not accept" armed factions having "the upper hand" in the next government or controlling key aspects of sovereign decision-making, particularly in matters of security, energy, and foreign policy.
The implicit message is clear: there is no veto on these forces participating in the political process as long as they have been involved in it for years, but there are red lines relating to the level of their control and the structure of the relationship with Iran.
This balance between declared non-interference and undeclared veto is explained by former US State Department advisor David Phillips, who spoke to Shafaq News Agency, stressing that Washington is aware that coalition negotiations in Iraq "take a long time" and that it is prepared to give the process some time, as long as the Iraqis "negotiate in good faith."
However, Phillips points out that the Trump administration is known for its quick resort to the "sanctions weapon" when it sees its strategic interests threatened, and that it may use the threat of this weapon to exert pressure at crucial moments of negotiation, while being careful to wait for the government formation process to end and see its outcomes before moving on to any decisive steps.
In contrast to this caution, Safwan Al-Amin, a senior fellow at the Atlantic Council in Washington, believes the whole process is heading towards "arduous" and lengthy negotiations to form a government.
Al-Amin told Shafaq News Agency that the armed factions have been an established part of the scene for years, and consider themselves to have an "acquired right" to power, and they will not easily accept being asked to back down or freeze their influence.
In contrast, the demands of the US administration seem clear regarding restricting weapons to the state and not allowing the emergence of a government subject to armed agendas, which creates a structural contradiction between two parties, both of which possess powerful tools of pressure, from the ability to obstruct in parliament to sanctions and economic and political pressure.
Between these four approaches, the Iraqi and the American, the picture of post-2025 Iraq appears more complex than the numbers alone suggest.
The rise of factions in parliament is not just an increase in the number of seats, but a test of the political system’s ability to adapt to the presence of armed forces at the heart of legislation and governance, a test of Baghdad’s relationship with both Washington and Tehran, and perhaps also of the limits of what remains of the dream of a civil state raised by the Tishreen squares years ago.
The new parliament, which lacked the banners of Sadr and the crowds of Tishreen, may turn into a stage for the first serious clash between the logic of "the state first" and the logic of "resistance first".
Meanwhile, the Iraqi street remains facing a scene that is still taking shape, between a parliament in which armed factions are expanding, a future government that has not yet been born, a prime minister whose ground that brought him to power is gradually being pulled out from under his feet, and external allies who are watching from afar and adjusting their calculations, in a country where every election is accustomed to being the beginning of a new crisis, not its end.
Nechirvan Barzani: The current situation in Iraq requires the formation of a government as soon as possible.
Kurdistan Region President Nechirvan Barzani affirmed that forming the next federal government "will not be difficult, but easier than ever before."
In response to a question from Kurdistan24’s correspondent at the MEPS 2025 forum in Duhok, Iman Darbas, about how difficult it would be to form the new federal government, Nechirvan Barzani said: “I think it will not be difficult, and forming the new Iraqi government will be easier than ever.”
The regional president explained that the current situation in Iraq "requires the formation of a government as soon as possible."
He expressed his hope that the formation of the government would not take long and that it would assume its duties as soon as possible.
Sudani sets renewal as "first goal"... and the framework sends "positive messages" regarding the second term
The Iraqi political scene is going through a pivotal stage as the winning forces in the elections begin entering into negotiations to form the new government, while the position of caretaker Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani stands out, as he affirms his commitment to a second term as a political entitlement for the winning bloc and a path to completing his governmental project.
This comes in parallel with the coordination framework’s moves to establish the largest parliamentary bloc and begin dialogues with other blocs, amid assurances from various parties on the need to adhere to constitutional timelines and establish a clear and stable electoral law.
In this context, the caretaker Prime Minister, Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, said in a dialogue session at the Middle East Security and Peace Forum, organized by the American University in the Kurdistan Region, that “the issue of a second term for the government is not a personal ambition, but rather a well-deserved victory.”
Al-Sudani continued in his speech, which was followed by “Al-Alam Al-Jadeed”: “In every parliamentary election, the results were not the deciding factor in forming the government,” noting that “today the Reconstruction and Development Coalition is an essential part of the components of the coordination framework, and yesterday the framework met and decided to form the largest parliamentary bloc.”
The head of the Reconstruction and Development Coalition added, “The framework will begin dialogues with the other political blocs to establish constitutional entitlements and form presidencies, and this is the path we believe in.”
Regarding his taking over the position of Prime Minister for a second time, Al-Sudani said: “It is not a personal ambition as much as it is a readiness to bear responsibility, to complete the project that we started, the achievement that has been realized on the ground, and a well-deserved victory for the bloc that won first place in these elections, which is the Reconstruction and Development bloc, and also what we have of a project for the next stage.”
He pointed out that “all political forces are keen to adhere to the constitutional timelines for forming the government,” noting that “we support a stable election law, and it is not right to change the law in every election.”
For his part, Mashreq Al-Fariji, a member of the Reconstruction and Development Coalition and head of the “I Will Take My Right” movement, said in an interview followed by “Al-Alam Al-Jadeed” (November 18, 2025) that “understandings within the coordination framework are ongoing, and that joint dialogue sessions are what will shape the features of the next stage and the selection of the prime minister.”
Al-Fariji believes that “some political forces are speaking beyond their actual size,” noting that “the coalition remains cohesive despite the objections raised regarding the visits of the head of the Popular Mobilization Forces, Faleh al-Fayyad, who has extensive relationships with the coalition’s leaders.” He clarified that the political representation of the Ata’a Movement within the coalition is through Khalid Kabyan, not al-Fayyad, as the latter is not involved in direct political work.
He pointed out that “Al-Fayyad’s recent visits carry messages of calm and congratulations after the elections,” stressing that “talk of disagreements with Nouri al-Maliki has subsided in recent days, and the discourse has become calmer towards the formation of the government.”
Al-Fariji pointed out that “the request by some parties for Al-Sudani to attend the meetings as the Euphrates Current is unrealistic, given that the components of the framework are represented according to their political weights,” indicating that “Reconstruction and Development is still holding on to its only candidate for the premiership, which is Muhammad Shia Al-Sudani.”
He stressed that “the position of Prime Minister has regained its importance, and that there are attempts to return it to its previous state of weakness, which the coalition rejects,” noting that “there are positive messages within the framework regarding the second term of Al-Sudani.”
Al-Fariji stressed that “the majority within the framework will be the decisive factor in choosing the prime minister,” emphasizing that “the objection of one or two parties will not change the final decision, and in the end everyone will reach a consensus.”
He added that “there is rapid movement to form the new government, and the process will be completed before the second month, without any indication of the possibility of a blocking third emerging.”
The Sudanese list, “The Reconstruction and Development Coalition,” won 46 seats out of 329 seats in parliament. The “Progress” party, led by Mohammed al-Halbousi, came in second with 36 seats, followed by Nouri al-Maliki’s coalition with 29 seats, then the “Sadiqun” bloc, led by Qais al-Khazali, with 28 seats, while the Kurdistan Democratic Party, led by Masoud Barzani, came in fifth with 27 seats.
In a video, Halbousi, Fayyad, and Asadi announce their support for Sudani for a second term.
In a video, Halbousi, Fayyad, and Asadi announce their support for Sudani for a second term.
Three of the most prominent leaders of political alliances in Iraq have announced their clear support for renewing confidence in Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani for a second term and tasking him with forming the new government.
Mohammed al-Halbousi, the head of the Progress Alliance and the country’s largest Sunni political leader, confirmed his support for al-Sudani to head the next government, noting that the current stage requires “the continuation of the approach of stability and strengthening trust between the components,” as he put it, in a video statement circulated by the media.
In the same context, Faleh al-Fayyad, head of the National Contract Alliance and one of the most prominent leaders of the Coordination Framework, stressed his support for renewing al-Sudani’s mandate, stressing that “the political and economic stability achieved during the past period requires building upon it,” considering that al-Sudani “possesses a clear vision for managing the state.”
As for the head of the Sumerians Alliance, Ahmed al-Asadi, he also announced his full support for assigning al-Sudani to form the new government, explaining that the next stage needs “an executive leadership that has proven its competence and ability
to manage sensitive files,” stressing that this approach enjoys broad consensus within the national forces.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?
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