How can the financial deficit persist despite the billions of dollars in oil flowing into Iraq?
The continued discussion of the budget deficit raises increasing questions about the efficiency of public resource management and government spending mechanisms, especially given the oil wealth that was supposed to translate into development and improved services. Experts emphasize that the problem lies not so much in the volume of revenues as in how they are managed and utilized.
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This reality has placed the country’s fiscal policy under critical scrutiny, amid escalating warnings of a lack of oversight and the squandering of revenues, while simultaneously closing the door on easy and dangerous solutions such as printing money, leaving the government with only one option: comprehensive structural reform.
Weak financial management and lack of oversight
In this regard, former MP Abdul Qadir Muhammad confirmed that “Iraq witnessed large financial inflows from oil sales that were supposed to be reflected in the service and economic reality, but the weakness of financial management and the absence of oversight contributed to the failure to achieve the desired results.”
He added that “the continued talk about financial difficulties in securing public expenditures reveals the existence of financial waste and weakness in coordination mechanisms between state institutions, which has led to the continuation of the deficit gap despite the available resources.”
He pointed out that “addressing the financial crisis requires tightening control procedures, rearranging public spending priorities, and reducing financial waste, in order to ensure optimal utilization of oil revenues.”
Mohammed concluded by saying that “excessive reliance on oil without genuine economic reforms will keep the economy vulnerable to fluctuations and hinder the government’s ability to achieve sustainable financial stability.”
New paper currency
In the same context, economist Rashid Al-Saadi confirmed that “the Central Bank cannot print new paper currency to address the financial deficit that the country is experiencing, and its role, according to the prevailing law, is limited to printing replacement currency for torn and worn banknotes, as well as compensating for internal commissions.”
He added that “the Central Bank of Iraq did not resort to printing new paper currency, as this step is considered a violation of Law No. 56 of 2004.”
He explained that “the bank relies on a global economic plan to raise the country’s economy according to the prevailing perspective, without the need to resort to printing new currency for fear of experiencing a financial setback.”
Al-Saadi explained that “the country’s economy will recover in the coming period and regain its economic standing without the need for external borrowing.”
Experts believe that the way out of the tunnel of recurring financial crises does not lie in temporary palliatives or measures that violate banking laws, but rather in an administrative revolution that controls public spending and curbs waste.
The recovery of the Iraqi economy and avoiding the trap of external borrowing remain contingent on the seriousness of institutions in disengaging from and becoming less dependent on oil, and in transforming financial surpluses into tangible development projects that reflect positively on the service provided to citizens.
Ambassador Tom Barrack arrives in Baghdad to convey President Trump's support for the Iraqi government.
US envoy and ambassador, Tom Barrack, announced his arrival in the Iraqi capital, Baghdad, on an official visit, with the aim of strengthening joint cooperation and discussing prospects for partnership between the two countries.
Barak explained, in a post published on his official X platform account, that he began his visit by meeting with the staff of the US Embassy in Baghdad, headed by Chargé d'Affaires Joshua Harris.
The US envoy indicated that he would meet today with Prime Minister (al-Zaidi) to convey a message of support from President Donald Trump for the Iraqi government, in addition to discussing the bilateral partnership and exploring new directions for building strong and mutually beneficial relations between the United States and Iraq.
The President of the Kurdistan Region welcomes the US-Iran agreement and affirms: Tom Barrack's visit will address important issues.
Kurdistan Region President Nechirvan Barzani announced on Monday, June 15, 2026, in a special statement to Kurdistan24 correspondent Hoshmand Sadiq, the region’s full support for the agreement reached between the United States of America and the Islamic Republic of Iran.
The United States and Iran reached a comprehensive agreement early Monday morning, June 15, 2026, to end tensions. The agreement includes a ceasefire in Lebanon and the reopening of the strategic Strait of Hormuz, and is scheduled to be officially signed in Switzerland next Friday, June 19.
Nechirvan Barzani expressed his hope that this agreement would be implemented quickly so that peace and stability could return to the region, stressing that the main goal is to avoid wars and establish peace, thus paving the way for greater stability for the people.
Tom Barrack, the US President’s Special Envoy to Iraq and Syria, is scheduled to visit Baghdad and Erbil on Tuesday, June 16, 2026.
Regarding this visit, the President of the Kurdistan Region explained that this is the first time that Tom Barrack has officially visited the region in his capacity as an envoy of the US President, stressing that issues related to the Kurdistan Region and Iraq in general will be discussed in order to strengthen joint coordination between all parties.
Regarding the internal situation in the Kurdistan Region, Nechirvan Barzani indicated that President Masoud Barzani’s initiative came at the right time, stressing the continuation of communication and work with all political parties.
Before a meeting that will bring him together with Al-Zaidi
Trump's envoy starts with Faeq Zaidan... Tom Barrack to the judge: Thank you for forming the government
The President of the Supreme Judicial Council, Faiq Zaidan, received today, Monday (June 15, 2026), the US Presidential Envoy to Iraq, Tom Barrack, who began his tour of the country by thanking the judge for his contribution to completing the formation of Ali al-Zaidi’s government, according to a statement from the media office, a copy of which was received by 964 Network .
Speculation has increased regarding the messages that Donald Trump’s envoy is carrying to the Iraqi forces at this sensitive time, as the visit comes after a period in which American remarks have intensified regarding the disarmament of factions, the financial situation, the relationship between Baghdad and Tehran, and related issues.
Barak was accompanied on his visit to Faiq Zaidan by a delegation from the US Embassy headed by Chargé d'Affaires Joe Harris.
The statement said that “the President of the Supreme Judicial Council, Judge Dr. Faiq Zaidan, met today, Monday, June 15, 2026, with the Presidential Envoy to Iraq, Ambassador Tom Barrack.”
The statement explained that the meeting focused on strengthening legal pathways in the country, while Barak expressed his appreciation for the pivotal role played by the Iraqi judicial institution in stabilizing the political system.
The statement added, “Mr. Tom Brack praised the role of the judiciary in fulfilling constitutional requirements and forming the legislative and executive branches.”
US envoy's first Erbil visit to center on Baghdad-KRG issues
Kurdish President Nechirvan Barzani said on Monday that outstanding disputes between the Kurdistan Regional Government and Baghdad will top the agenda of US Special Envoy to Iraq and Syria Tom Barrack's upcoming trip to Erbil, the capital of Iraqi Kurdistan.
Speaking to Kurdistan 24 television, Barzani noted that it would be Barrack's first visit in his current role and indicated that discussions would cover broader Iraqi affairs alongside efforts to ease tensions between the federal government and Erbil.
US President Donald Trump appointed Barrack, who is also Washington's ambassador to Ankara, as special presidential envoy to Iraq and Syria on May 31. A source previously told Shafaq News that Barrack is expected to travel to Baghdad and Erbil in the coming days.
"Brak's steps to curb the factions"
Baghdad bears the burden of Damascus... America wants to link Syria's ailing economy to Iraq – Report
A report by the Lebanese newspaper Al-Akhbar, which is close to Hezbollah, stated that the American moves in Iraq are being implemented in Lebanon, and are focused on eliminating the “resistance’s weapons,” indicating that the American envoy, Tom Barrack, is pushing the government of Ali al-Zaidi to end the issue of the “factions’ weapons” and integrate the Popular Mobilization Forces into state institutions.
The report pointed to Washington's efforts to link the Syrian economy to the Iraqi economy, which would make Baghdad bear the burdens of Damascus, which is suffering from major economic crises, and this is not in Iraq's interest, according to the report.
statement
US Special Presidential Envoy to Iraq and Syria, Tom Barrack, is preparing for his first official visit to Baghdad and Erbil since being appointed to the Iraqi portfolio. According to Iraqi political circles, the visit carries direct messages from US President Donald Trump to the government and political forces, aimed at outlining the features of the next phase in the relationship between Baghdad and Washington.
This move comes at a time when Ali al-Zaidi's government is working to consolidate its internal structure and complete its formation. It also coincides with escalating American pressure regarding the issue of restricting weapons to the state, as well as preparations by Baghdad for al-Zaidi's anticipated visit to Washington, which Iraqis hope will define the nature of the future partnership between the two countries.
An Iraqi government source told Al-Akhbar that Barak's visit will include extensive political and security discussions, covering the completion of the government formation process and filling vacant ministerial posts. The talks will also address the issue of restricting weapons to the state and mechanisms for dealing with groups that have expressed their willingness to dismantle their armed wings and integrate into official institutions. The source indicated that Washington views the completion of the government as a crucial prerequisite for addressing more sensitive issues. He added that Barak will carry a set of proposals aimed at resolving outstanding issues, both within the government and in its relationship with the factions, as well as preparing the ground for al-Zaidi's visit to Washington. According to the same source, the visit will also include Erbil, where discussions will focus on points of contention between Baghdad and the Kurdistan Region, in addition to security matters related to regional developments.
American move to burden Iraq with the Syrian economy
Observers view the visit as an extension of a broader American project aimed at rearranging the Iraqi political and security landscape, especially with regard to the issue of factions and the "Popular Mobilization Forces".
Political researcher Ibrahim Al-Sarraj told Al-Akhbar, “The United States’ project in Iraq is perfectly clear, and it is the same one being implemented in Lebanon; it is based first and foremost on eliminating the resistance’s weapons.”
He adds, “The matter isn’t limited to the resistance alone, but also includes the Popular Mobilization Forces. Therefore, the American envoy is trying to push in this direction through these visits and by encouraging the Prime Minister to visit the United States, and so on.” Al-Sarraj believes that the United States, after failing to achieve its objectives through direct confrontation with Iran, is trying to focus on the strengths of the resistance axis within Iraq. “Therefore, it is focusing on the issue of disarmament and redefining the role of armed factions within state institutions.” According to Al-Sarraj, the matter doesn’t stop at the security aspect, but extends to the economy and regional relations. He says, “The United States is pushing to link the Iraqi economy to the Syrian economy, which would make Iraq bear the burdens of a country suffering from major economic crises, and this is not in Iraq’s interest.”
Conversely, those who support openness to Washington believe that the Trump administration views Iraq as part of a broader strategic system that includes Syria, Turkey, and Lebanon, and that the United States seeks to promote stability in these arenas through an integrated political, economic, and security approach.
However, this approach clashes with complex internal realities, most notably the continued dispute over the future of the factions, the controversy surrounding the completion of the government, as well as the political competition among Iraqi forces for ministerial portfolios and senior positions.
end of statement
US President’s Special Envoy to Iraq and Syria, Tom Barrack, arrived in Baghdad on Monday (June 15, 2026) for an official visit. He was received by embassy staff and Chargé d’Affaires Joshua Harris.
Barak announced in a post followed by Network 964 that he will meet today with Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi to convey to him President Donald Trump’s support for his government, and to discuss “a partnership on a new path towards a strong and mutually beneficial US-Iraqi relationship.”
A government source had revealed to Al-Sharq earlier that the agenda of the US envoy in Baghdad would include discussions on prominent political and security issues, foremost among them the issue of restricting weapons to the state, and preparations for the upcoming visit of the Iraqi Prime Minister to Washington.
Barak arrives in Baghdad to discuss a new path for Iraqi-American relations.
The US envoy to Iraq and Syria, Tom Barrack, arrived in Baghdad on Monday as part of a tour that includes a series of meetings with political leaders and government officials in the country, including the Kurdistan Region.
Upon his arrival, Barak wrote a post on the “X” platform stating that he would meet with Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi to convey to him the support of US President Donald Trump for the Iraqi government, adding that he would discuss with al-Zaidi the strategic partnership between Iraq and America with the aim of charting a new course for a strong and sustainable relationship between the two sides.
Earlier today, Kurdistan Region President Nechirvan Barzani stressed the importance of Barak’s visit to the capital Erbil, noting that the anticipated meetings would include discussions on the disputes and outstanding issues between the regional government and the federal government.
Barak’s current tour to Baghdad and Erbil is to discuss multiple political and security issues, coinciding with the rapid developments and events taking place in the region.
In this context, the Iraqi Ministry of Foreign Affairs welcomed on Monday the reaching of a memorandum of understanding between the United States and Iran, stressing its support for diplomatic efforts aimed at settling crises and conflicts through dialogue.
The ministry said in a statement received by (Al-Mada) that it extends, on behalf of the government and people of Iraq, its congratulations to the governments and peoples of the United States and Iran on the occasion of reaching the memorandum, expressing its hope that this step will contribute to strengthening regional security and stability and opening new horizons for understanding and cooperation in a way that serves the interests of the peoples of the region.
The Foreign Ministry affirmed that Iraq’s “firm and principled” position is based on rejecting war and adopting dialogue and peaceful means as the only way to resolve disputes, noting that it followed with interest the course of negotiations and the efforts that led to reaching the memorandum.
The ministry also congratulated the governments of Pakistan and Qatar for their mediation efforts and support for the negotiation process leading to the end of military operations.
She added that Iraq has suffered greatly from the repercussions of the conflicts and wars that the region has witnessed, which reinforces its conviction of the importance of intensifying international and regional efforts to prevent escalation and avoid sliding into new confrontations.
The ministry reiterated the importance of this development leading to a final end to the state of war, noting that Iraq will continue to work on restoring and strengthening its relations with brotherly and friendly countries that were affected by the repercussions of the recent crisis.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs stressed that the region needs collective action based on the principles of collective security and joint cooperation to ensure the sustainability of stability and security and to achieve the aspirations of its peoples for development and prosperity.
She affirmed that Iraq will continue to play its role in bringing together the views of the countries of the region, based on its balanced foreign policy and its constant endeavor to consolidate dialogue and enhance regional understanding.
The ministry also expressed its satisfaction with the announcement of the imminent reopening of the Strait of Hormuz to normal navigation, given its importance in ensuring the smooth flow of oil and gas to global markets and enhancing the stability of international energy markets.
United Nations: The four Iraqi presidencies agree on ensuring a decent life for all citizens.
The UN Assistant Secretary-General and Regional Director of the United Nations Development Programme for Arab States, Abdullah Al-Dardari, confirmed on Monday that the four Iraqi presidencies are in agreement on fighting corruption and adopting a competitive economy to ensure a decent life for all citizens.
Al-Dardari said during a roundtable discussion with several media outlets: "During my visit to Iraq, I had the honor of meeting with the four presidencies and a number of ministers," indicating that "this is evidence of interest in what the United Nations program can offer to Iraq."
He added, "I listened to integrated and consistent visions among the four presidencies regarding the need to move to a strong, competitive Iraq that ensures a decent life for all citizens and public services, with an economy that is not based solely on rent-seeking, but on competitiveness, while fighting corruption, reforming and developing the social protection system, and reforming the support system, as it does not satisfy the citizen and public finances in its current form."
Al-Dardari emphasized, "I was surprised by the depth and breadth of the vision, and most importantly, the strong political consensus among the four presidencies regarding this vision and the boldness in confronting it," noting that "any government that confronts corruption, subsidies, arms control, social protection management, and economic diversification simultaneously is a testament to the boldness of its approach, and we cannot remain as we are."
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Activating the electronic billing system (e-Pswla) in five new areas of the Kurdistan Region
The Ministry of Electricity in the Kurdistan Regional Government announced the activation of the new digital system for issuing bills and collecting payments in five additional areas within the region.
The ministry explained in a statement that this step includes the energy sales departments in (Kermian, Darbandikhan, Dokan, Chamchamal, and Said Sadiq), and it is expected that about 280,000 subscribers will benefit from this new system.
This step is part of the ministry’s plan to unify the energy sales system throughout the Kurdistan Region. The new system aims to facilitate citizens’ transactions, especially in the processes of issuing invoices and collecting payments, which will be done through the “e-Pswla” digital platform in ways that the ministry seeks to use to increase speed and transparency.
The implementation of the system in these five regions comes after its activation in a number of cities and independent administrations that included (Erbil, Sulaymaniyah, Duhok, Zakho, Halabja, Raparin, Soran, Koya, and Khabat), as this system represents part of the reform package of the “Ronaki Project”.
The Prime Minister of the Kurdistan Region, Masrour Barzani, launched the "Ronaki Project" in November 2024, with the aim of providing 24-hour electricity service to homes and the commercial sector in the region by the end of 2026.
It is worth noting that this strategic project was unanimously approved by the Kurdistan Regional Government’s Council of Ministers on May 14 of last year, and is considered one of the key steps aimed at addressing the electricity issue in the region.
Maliki's coalition: July will decide on the vacant ministries... Interior and Education are excluded from the change
Jassim Mohammed Jaafar, a leading figure in the State of Law Coalition, indicated on Sunday that the vote on the remaining cabinet positions is likely to be completed by the beginning of July. He emphasized his coalition's commitment to the same names previously presented to Parliament.
Jaafar told the Information Agency, "The current understandings and information regarding the agreement among the political blocs and forces to complete the cabinet are proceeding smoothly and without any fundamental disagreements, with a commitment to distributing portfolios according to electoral entitlement."
He added, "Parliament's current legislative recess and the fact that most members are in their respective governorates is the main reason that may prevent an emergency session from being held during this period." He predicted that "the decisive session will be held at the beginning of July after parliamentary sessions resume."
Jaafar stressed that "the State of Law Coalition remains committed to its designated candidates for the Ministries of Higher Education and Scientific Research, and Interior, who were presented in the first voting session, which was marred by doubts and controversy surrounding the vote-counting mechanism."
A former minister warns against al-Zaidi going to Washington before the cabinet is finalized.
link
The former minister and member of the State of Law Coalition, Zuhair al- Jalabi
, warned against Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi's trip to Washington before finalizing his cabinet and filling the remaining nine ministerial positions.
Al-Jalabi told Al-Maalomah, "The United States, with Gulf support, invaded and occupied Iraq in 2003 and proceeded to establish a system under its tutelage. After the National Assembly elections, the constitution was drafted, and it became customary for any prime minister tasked with forming a government to visit the United States at the invitation of the White House, as previous prime ministers have done. Therefore, the visit is considered a matter of protocol."
He added, "Al-Zaidi's visit would be a courtesy to the White House, especially since the selection of the prime minister was preceded by American influence during the formation of the new government, as happened in 2021 after the political deadlock at that time."
He explained that “the Prime Minister’s visit to Washington must be preceded by the completion of the cabinet formation process, not by going with a government missing nine ministers. Going with an incomplete government means the visit will be accompanied by many suspicions regarding the possibility of the American administration dictating its conditions and interfering in the selection of cabinet nominees.”
Before or after the cabinet is finalized? Anticipation surrounds al-Zidi's visit to Washington amidst weighty security and economic issues.
There is growing anticipation regarding the timing of Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi’s expected visit to Washington, and whether it will take place before or after the cabinet is finalized, given the complex security and economic issues that are imposing themselves on the Iraqi-American relations agenda.
Former MP Fawzi Akram told Baghdad Today that “there are a number of common interests between Baghdad and Washington, and that Prime Minister Ali Zaidi’s visit to the White House will focus on the security and economic files,” noting that “there is a government decision to end the presence of foreign forces inside the country, and it is an irreversible decision, and therefore the United States is committed to withdrawing its remaining forces in Iraq.”
He added that "the United States has important cards to play in the economic file, especially with regard to dollar supplies and economic agreements, particularly in the energy, oil and gas sector directly," noting that "the cabinet file is expected to be resolved before the visit, especially with agreements to hold a session of the House of Representatives after the end of the legislative holiday to vote on the remainder of the cabinet formation, especially the sovereign portfolios."
For his part, political science professor Khalifa al-Tamimi told Baghdad Today that “the Prime Minister’s visit to Washington will be important and it is his first as head of the Iraqi government. Therefore, the economic file will be a priority, especially in light of the difficult financial situation that Iraq is going through as a result of the repercussions of events in the Arabian Gulf.”
Al-Tamimi added that “all expectations indicate that the visit will take place after the cabinet is finalized, because the issues raised at the White House relate to economic and security dimensions, which requires the presence of specialized ministers to participate in the talks,” noting that “the next stage is important for Iraq at various levels, and requires taking a series of decisions, especially on the economic side.”
Prime Minister Ali Faleh al-Zaidi had previously announced an official visit to the United States accompanied by businessmen to expand mutual and joint investment opportunities, noting at the same time that the development fund is for the private sector and will absorb a contribution from the Central Bank worth $10 billion.
Al-Zaydi stressed that the government is counting on cooperation with the private sector to make its reform efforts in the economy and development a success, and that it will adopt an open-door policy towards the proposals, requests and problems that businessmen put forward that require intervention and resolution.
During a call from the Iranian Foreign Minister
Iraqi thanks Baghdad and Fuad Hussein congratulates on ending the “era of war”
Foreign Minister Fuad Hussein received a phone call on Monday (June 15, 2026) from his Iranian counterpart, Abbas Araqchi, during which they discussed the latest regional understandings, amid Tehran’s praise for the pivotal role played by Baghdad in bringing viewpoints closer and supporting the course of negotiations to enhance the stability of the region.
During the call, Hussein stressed the importance of moving from the stage of de-escalation to ending the state of war completely, which would allow the countries of the region to devote themselves to economic construction and achieving development. The Iranian minister expressed his appreciation for the Iraqi Foreign Ministry’s keenness to keep pace with and ensure the success of diplomatic efforts throughout the past period.
Earlier, US President Donald Trump and Iranian Deputy Foreign Minister Kazem Gharibabadi announced that the United States and Iran had reached an agreement to conclude a final memorandum of understanding that would define the course of relations between the two countries . While Trump stressed that the agreement represents an “impregnable wall” that guarantees Tehran’s commitment not to possess nuclear weapons in the future, Gharibabadi confirmed the readiness of the final text of the memorandum and set next Friday as the date for the official signing in the Swiss city of Geneva, noting the existence of special monitoring mechanisms to ensure Washington’s commitment to implementing its pledges.
On Monday, June 15, 2026, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Fuad Hussein, received a telephone call from the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Mr. Abbas Araqchi.
During the call, Mr. Abbas Araqchi expressed his thanks and appreciation to Mr. Fuad Hussein for the efforts he made at various stages to bring the two sides closer together. He also thanked the Iraqi government and the Iraqi Ministry of Foreign Affairs for their role in supporting the efforts to make this process a success.
For his part, Mr. Fuad Hussein offered his personal congratulations to Mr. Abbas Araqchi and the negotiating delegation from both sides, in appreciation of the great efforts made to reach understandings that contribute to strengthening security and stability in the region.
The Minister stressed the importance of working to end the state of war completely, so that the countries of the region can devote themselves to economic reconstruction efforts and achieving development, in a way that serves the interests of their people and enhances opportunities for stability and prosperity.
At the end of the call, Mr. Fuad Hussein reiterated his congratulations, expressing his gratitude to the Iranian Foreign Minister for his keenness to maintain continuous communication and keep the Iraqi side informed about the course of negotiations throughout the past period.
American efforts to strengthen economic presence in Iraq through investments and joint projects
Political sources confirmed that the anticipated talks between Iraq and the United States will not be limited to security and political aspects, but will also include important economic and investment files aimed at strengthening cooperation between the two sides.
She indicated that the US administration seeks, during the next phase, to expand its economic presence in Iraq and the region, by encouraging investments and joint projects in the energy, infrastructure, transportation and services sectors, in a way that contributes to supporting economic development and stimulating growth.
She added that Washington has adopted a new approach based on combining security and economic tools, stemming from the conviction that sustainable stability cannot be achieved without providing an attractive investment environment capable of supporting economic growth and creating job opportunities.
She pointed out that these trends come within the framework of broader efforts to strengthen regional economic partnerships and support development projects, in order to achieve common interests and contribute to consolidating long-term stability.
American Trade Delegation Arrives in Erbil, PM Barzani to Meet Delegation, Investment Board Chief Says
Mohammad Shukri, Chairman of the Kurdistan Region Investment Board, told Kurdistan24 in an exclusive interview on Monday that the delegation represents a major American company with operations in 18 countries.
An American trade and investment delegation has arrived in Erbil to explore investment opportunities, particularly in strategic industries outside the oil sector.
Mohammad Shukri, Chairman of the Kurdistan Region Investment Board, told Kurdistan24 in an exclusive interview on Monday that the delegation represents a major American company with operations in 18 countries. He said the visitors are scheduled to meet with Prime Minister Masrour Barzani to discuss expanding commercial cooperation and launching large-scale projects across the Kurdistan Region.
Shukri stressed that the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) is pursuing a strategy of diversifying its revenue sources and views American investment as a key component of that effort. He highlighted urban development, healthcare, and tourism as priority sectors for future cooperation.
"The Prime Minister wants these global companies to see the reality on the ground firsthand and to implement strategic projects in the Kurdistan Region in the future," Shukri said.
He also revealed that a special economic forum bringing together the Kurdistan Region and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce will be held in Washington next July, as part of broader efforts to attract foreign capital and deepen bilateral economic relations.
According to the latest data from the General Directorate of Company Registration, 169 American companies are currently registered in the Kurdistan Region. Of those, 155 are based in Erbil and are active in a range of commercial sectors.
The latest visit builds on growing economic engagement between Washington and Erbil. In October 2025, the KRG Representation in Washington announced that a high-level delegation from the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, accompanied by representatives from leading global firms including Google, IBM, Visa, PepsiCo, and Coca-Cola, visited the Kurdistan Region to assess investment opportunities and review ongoing reform initiatives.
During that visit, Prime Minister Masrour Barzani met with the delegation and outlined the KRG's economic reform agenda, emphasizing efforts to diversify the economy and create a more attractive investment climate. He noted that the Kurdistan Region's young workforce and strategic geographic location make it a gateway for American businesses seeking to expand into Iraq and the wider Middle East.
The American delegation also toured several strategic projects, including the Erbil Rapid Water Emergency Project, and visited the Department of Information Technology to examine the government's digital transformation initiatives and progress toward a paperless administrative system, developments that drew particular interest from technology companies.
Steve Lutes, Vice President of Middle East Affairs at the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, described the earlier mission as "a strong signal" of the Kurdistan Region's economic potential. Meanwhile, Shukri highlighted the incentives available to foreign investors, while U.S. Consul General Wendy Green underscored the importance of public-private partnerships in promoting sustainable economic growth.
The 2025 visit concluded with a tour of the historic Erbil Citadel, symbolizing the deepening relationship between the United States and the Kurdistan Region, a partnership that extends beyond trade and investment to include cultural and people-to-people ties.
The arrival of the new American delegation reflects the KRG's continuing efforts to attract international investors and position the Kurdistan Region as a regional hub for strategic investment and economic development.
Sudani discusses with Halliburton the development of the Bin Omar field and the localization of oil
industries in Iraq
The head of the Reconstruction and Development Coalition, Mohammed Shia Al-Sudani, discussed with a delegation from the American company Halliburton, headed by Chief Operating Officer Shannon Slocum, prospects for joint cooperation in developing oil and gas fields and enhancing investments in the energy sector, in support of Iraq’s plans to increase local production and reduce dependence on foreign imports.
According to a statement issued by the coalition, the importance of the Bin Omar oil field development project was emphasized, which is one of the most prominent gas-producing fields in southern Iraq, noting that its production capacity can reach about one billion standard cubic feet per day, which contributes to supporting gas investment projects and enhancing fuel supply to power generation stations.
Al-Sudani stressed the need for major oil projects to include effective programs for developing Iraqi human capabilities and transferring modern technical and administrative expertise to national cadres, thereby enhancing their ability to manage various oil projects with high efficiency.
He also called for the establishment of a specialized training center in Basra Governorate to qualify Iraqi personnel working in the oil sector, in addition to working on localizing industries related to oil activity within Iraq, particularly in the areas of drilling, reclamation, well services, manufacturing and assembling submersible oil pumps, and the production of petroleum chemicals, in cooperation with the local private sector.
For his part, Halliburton’s Chief Operating Officer, Shannon Slocum, expressed his appreciation for the support and facilities provided to the company’s work in Iraq, stressing that Iraqis constitute about 85 percent of the company’s total workforce within the country, with plans to raise this percentage during the next phase, which will contribute to strengthening the role of national competencies and developing the Iraqi energy sector.
The cash-and-carry state
Step inside any high-end café in Cairo, a bustling merchant hub in Amman, or a trendy restaurant in Beirut, and you will witness an identical macroeconomic performance. Patrons may use a mix of cash and electronic payment methods, but cash remains king. Thick, rubber-banded bricks of banknotes, often a mix of volatile local currencies and crisp US dollars. A few blocks away, the imposing glass-and-steel headquarters of the nations’ central banks sit quiet, their foreign reserves depleted and their policy levers rendered entirely useless.
The banks still stand. The money simply found another way to move.
This is the real economy of the modern Middle East’s financially distressed periphery. While international financial institutions track official GDP figures and debate the macro-metrics of sovereign debt, a far more dynamic, unregulated financial architecture has emerged to take its place.
Wracked by the spillover of regional conflict, supply-chain blockades, and institutional decay, the “insolvent periphery” of the Middle East has entered a state of monetary balkanisation. From the Nile to the Euphrates, the formal state financial apparatus is dying. In its place stands a highly efficient, parallel cash-and-carry ecosystem that keeps populations alive today, but dooms them to structural stagnation tomorrow.
The most significant shift is not merely financial but institutional. In healthy economies, trust is concentrated within banks, regulators, and legal frameworks. Across much of the region, that trust has increasingly migrated away from institutions and toward networks. Families trust relatives abroad more than local banks. Merchants trust exchange dealers more than official channels. Businesses rely on personal relationships and informal guarantees rather than contractual certainty. In many cases, reputation has become a more valuable form of collateral than regulation itself.
Nowhere is this transition more striking than in Syria. Following the sweeping political transition that ended decades of the Assad family rule in December 2024, Syria’s legal and economic landscape changed overnight. The United States officially repealed the Caesar Act, the European Union restored its cooperation agreements, and the transitional government explicitly declared a free, competitive market economy. Yet, de jure legal freedom has collided head-on with de facto banking caution.
Despite the lifting of sanctions, major international banks remain reluctant to fully reconnect Syria to the global financial system despite the removal of formal restrictions. Because global banking infrastructure moves at a bureaucratic crawl, Syrian merchants cannot wait.
The Syrian case illustrates a broader reality often overlooked by policymakers. Sanctions can be lifted through political decisions, but financial confidence cannot be restored overnight. Compliance departments inside major international banks continue to assess risk through the lens of years of enforcement actions, penalties, and regulatory scrutiny. Legal permission and practical access are therefore not always the same thing.
To clear trade and fund early reconstruction, the country has simply legalised and scaled up the shadow plumbing it perfected during a decade of isolation. The hawala system, a trust-based, ledger-to-ledger informal cash network, has transformed from an underground evasion tool into the state’s primary financial engine. Millions of dollars in foreign remittances and trade settlements flow through these networks daily, bypassing formal commercial banks entirely.
Furthermore, the deregulation of the Syrian Pound has triggered immense price volatility. With the central bank lacking the institutional depth to manage a free float, hawala dealers have essentially become the country’s real monetary authority, setting the de facto exchange rate on smartphone messaging apps. Paradoxically, as an open Syria aggressively rebuilds its direct regional trade routes, it is beginning to act as a vacuum cleaner for liquid capital, draining economic utility away from neighbouring Lebanon, which for decades served as Syria’s financial lung during years of sanctions and international isolation. Syrian businesses long relied on Lebanese banks and commercial networks to access the global economy. As those links are re-established directly, some of that economic activity is beginning to flow back into Syria.
- Rigid anchors
If the Levant represents a region that has given up on formal banking, Egypt and Jordan represent the rigid anchors desperately trying to play by the global rules. Both nations are walking a fiscal tightrope, heavily managed by International Monetary Fund (IMF) programmes, strict regulatory metrics, and structural reform benchmarks. Yet, their populations are paying a catastrophic price for this compliance.
Nowhere is the friction more visible than in Cairo. Prolonged maritime disruptions in the Red Sea have cost the Egyptian treasury over $10 billion in vital Suez Canal transit fees. For an economy reliant on hard currency to service massive external debt and fund basic commodity imports, this loss is devastating.
To hit its strict IMF targets, the government has aggressively pushed austerity, privatisation, and tax collection. But this formal tightening has starved the domestic banking sector of the liquidity needed to clear import backlogs at local ports.
The result is a bitter divergence: on paper, Egypt meets its macroeconomic benchmarks; on the street, domestic manufacturing stalls due to raw material shortages, and a massive parallel gray market for foreign currency thrives in the shadows. The state’s strict compliance acts as a regressive tax on everyday citizens, pushing more of the population into informal day-labor and un-taxed shadow commerce just to survive the inflationary squeeze.
In the rest of North Africa, the informal economy accounts for up to 40% of the GDP. The cash networks encompass both foreign and local currency transactions. Cash finances cross-border trade between Libya, Tunisia and Algeria making up for rigid inter-state regulations, obsolete banking institutions and the failure to deliver on promises of Maghreb free-trade areas.
Jordan faces a parallel crisis as an institutional darling under siege. As formal regional trade arteries fracture, Amman maintains a highly regulated, transparent banking sector. However, the sheer economic pressure on its borders has sparked a massive surge in informal cross-border smuggling and unregulated gray-market trade. The Jordanian state is caught in an impossible bind: it must enforce rigid formal financial compliance to please international lenders, while turning a blind eye to the border-town shadow economies that keep its fragile social fabric from tearing apart.
- Liquid cash havens
Few countries better illustrate the rise of the cash-and-carry economy than Lebanon and Iraq. Though one suffers from financial collapse and the other enjoys vast oil revenues, both reveal how quickly money migrates into parallel channels when formal institutions cease to perform their intended function.
In Lebanon, the gray market has moved beyond a temporary coping mechanism and become fully institutionalised as the status quo. Following the absolute collapse of its formal commercial banking sector, the Lebanese economy reconstructed itself entirely around physical greenbacks. The country is a hyper-dollarised cash haven where trillions of Lebanese pounds and millions of US dollars circulate entirely outside the banking system.
This creates a bizarre financial illusion: while the state is completely bankrupt, the streets are liquid. High-end retail, real estate, and daily commerce thrive on a cash-only basis. But this reliance on physical currency leaves the nation profoundly exposed to global trade shocks. Without a functioning banking system to issue letters of credit or manage trade financing, local businesses face an immediate, punitive “cash tax” on every container of grain, fuel, or consumer goods imported through Levant ports, driving localized inflation to painful heights.
The Lebanese experience demonstrates the difference between liquidity and development. Cash remains abundant in parts of the economy. Restaurants are full, retailers continue trading, and property transactions still occur. Yet liquidity alone cannot finance a modern economy. A nation can circulate millions of dollars in physical cash every day and still remain incapable of funding major infrastructure projects, industrial expansion, or technological modernisation. Cash keeps commerce alive. It does not necessarily create long-term growth.
While Lebanon, Syria, Jordan and Egypt suffer from structural hard-currency shortages, Iraq demonstrates that even a major oil producer is not immune to gray-marketisation when financial institutions fail.
In Iraq, a different version of this cash trap is playing out. Unlike Lebanon, Baghdad generates billions of dollars in formal, audited oil revenues. However, the domestic economy remains profoundly cash-dependent and institutionally fragile. As US authorities and the Federal Reserve imposed tighter scrutiny on Iraqi banks, restricted access to dollar-clearing mechanisms, increased oversight of outward transfers, and tightened controls on the movement of physical US currency into the country, the formal financial system came under mounting pressure.
While the measures were designed to bring greater transparency and compliance to Iraq’s financial system, they also had the unintended consequence of strengthening parallel financial channels.
Vast sums of physical currency now move through exchange houses and informal financial channels, detaching the street price of the dollar from the official government peg. Rather than pulling economic activity into transparent channels, the measures reinforced the role of informal networks that continue to operate beyond the effective reach of regulators.
Exchange houses, informal transfer networks, and cash-based markets became even more central to economic activity, underscoring the resilience of Iraq’s gray-market ecosystem. Vast sums of physical currency now move through exchange houses and informal financial channels, detaching the street price of the dollar from the official government peg. Rather than pulling economic activity into transparent channels, the measures reinforced the role of informal networks that continue to operate beyond the effective reach of regulators.
Iraq proves that even immense oil wealth cannot insulate a state from gray-marketisation if its internal financial infrastructure remains broken and corrupt.
Yet the most striking consequence may be the illusion it creates.
The result is a paradox familiar to both Iraq and Lebanon. In each country, visible consumption often obscures institutional weakness. Luxury vehicles crowd the roads, premium real estate changes hands, high-end restaurants remain busy, and imported goods continue to flow to those with access to dollars. To the casual observer, parts of the economy can appear remarkably resilient.
Yet consumption is not development. Cash can finance a luxury apartment, an imported vehicle, or an expensive dinner, but it cannot easily finance a national electricity grid, modern transport infrastructure, large-scale industrial expansion, or the technological foundations required for long-term growth. Both countries demonstrate how liquidity can coexist with profound structural weakness, creating the illusion of prosperity while the underlying institutions necessary for sustainable development continue to erode.
- Routes of Capital
Yet the survival of these economies raises a fundamental question. If banks are frozen, sanctions remain disruptive, currencies are unstable, and formal financial systems are under strain, how does capital continue to move across the region?
The answer lies in a vast and increasingly sophisticated network of intermediaries that has emerged to fill the vacuum left by weakened institutions. Exchange dealers, hawala operators, traders, brokers, logistics companies, money changers, and regional commercial hubs now perform many of the functions once associated with the formal banking sector. Together, they have created an alternative financial architecture that stretches across the Middle East and beyond.
As formal banking channels weaken, capital does not stop moving. It simply finds new routes. Across the Middle East’s distressed economies, money increasingly travels through a patchwork of exchange houses, hawala networks, trade intermediaries, cash couriers, and regional commercial hubs rather than through traditional banking institutions.
The routes of capital increasingly stretch far beyond the Levant itself, linking Dubai, Istanbul, Africa, Asia, and other commercial hubs into a flexible ecosystem capable of moving goods, money, and value where formal institutions often cannot or will not.
Cities such as Dubai and Istanbul have become important nodes in this evolving financial geography. For merchants in Damascus, traders in Baghdad, or businesses in Beirut, these hubs often provide the connectivity that local financial systems can no longer reliably deliver. Goods may be purchased in one jurisdiction, financed in another, settled through a third, and physically delivered to a fourth. Capital moves through relationships as much as institutions.
The remarkable efficiency of these networks helps explain their resilience. Money can often move faster through exchange dealers, commercial intermediaries, and personal networks than through heavily regulated institutions burdened by compliance requirements, political risk, and bureaucratic delays. Yet the same flexibility that makes these systems attractive also makes them difficult to supervise, regulate, and tax.
The result is the emergence of a parallel financial map of the Middle East, one in which the movement of capital increasingly follows informal routes rather than formal institutions. As these networks expand, states lose visibility into the very economic activity occurring within their own borders, setting the stage for the transparency and governance challenges that follow.
- Transparency trap
The consequences extend far beyond economic stagnation. As larger portions of commercial activity migrate into cash-based and informal channels, transparency begins to disappear. Transactions leave few records, oversight weakens, and the movement of capital becomes increasingly difficult to trace. In such an environment, corruption ceases to be an exception and becomes a feature of the system itself.
Public funds can be diverted with limited scrutiny, tax collection deteriorates, smuggling networks expand, and politically connected actors gain disproportionate influence over the flow of money. The same shadow infrastructure that helps businesses survive institutional failure can also shield theft, patronage, and illicit enrichment from public view. Over time, opacity becomes an asset, and those who benefit from it acquire a vested interest in preventing reform.
Nor are the beneficiaries of opacity limited to criminal networks or corrupt officials. As informal financial systems expand, a growing number of otherwise legitimate businesses also begin to benefit from operating outside formal channels. Cash transactions can reduce tax exposure, bypass cumbersome regulations, avoid compliance requirements, and accelerate commercial activity that might otherwise be delayed by bureaucracy. Criminal organisations, smugglers, sanctions evaders, politically connected intermediaries, and opportunistic businesses therefore find themselves sharing a common interest: preserving a system with fewer questions, fewer records, and fewer controls.
All across MENA, security risks are huge. Cash can underpin the fraying of the state and finance the activities of extremist groups and regional proxies beyond the reach of authorities.
What begins as a survival mechanism for households and merchants can gradually evolve into an ecosystem in which powerful economic actors profit from opacity and have little incentive to support transparency or reform.
As informal systems expand, governments lose more than tax revenue. They lose visibility, influence, and ultimately control. Monetary policy becomes less effective when transactions occur outside the banking sector. Regulatory decisions carry less weight when businesses rely on parallel channels. Over time, states become increasingly disconnected from the real movement of capital within their own borders, creating a widening gap between official economic policy and economic reality.
The beneficiaries are not merely institutions but individuals. As formal financial systems retreat, a new class of intermediaries emerges to fill the vacuum. Exchange dealers, cash brokers, informal financiers, and politically connected facilitators acquire influence once reserved for banks and regulated financial institutions. In many cases, these actors become indispensable to commerce, accumulating both wealth and leverage from the dysfunction around them. The longer the system persists, the stronger their position becomes and the greater their interest in preserving the status quo.
Perhaps the most lasting consequence is cultural rather than financial. Entire generations are learning to navigate economic life through personal networks, cash transactions, and informal arrangements rather than through institutions. As these habits become entrenched, rebuilding trust becomes far more difficult. The challenge is no longer merely repairing banks or modernising regulations; it is persuading citizens that formal systems are once again worth using. Over time, informality ceases to be an emergency response and becomes the accepted operating system of the economy.
This dynamic is particularly dangerous because it is self-reinforcing. The weaker formal institutions become, the more economic activity migrates into informal channels. The larger those channels become, the harder it becomes for governments to restore accountability, transparency, and public trust. What begins as a survival mechanism gradually evolves into a parallel system with its own incentives, beneficiaries, and political protection.
The ultimate tragedy of the Middle East’s cash-and-carry transformation is that it works too well in the short term. The hawala networks of Damascus, the cash suitcases of Beirut, and the parallel exchange booths of Cairo and Baghdad provide a vital safety valve. They bypass broken institutions, outrun slow global bureaucracies, and ensure that food, fuel, and capital continue to move across borders when formal systems fail. The shadow economy is saving the periphery from immediate, catastrophic starvation.
But this survival mechanism doubles as an economic death sentence for long-term development. The gray market is inherently incapable of generating capital-intensive, structural growth.
No international consortium will finance a nationwide electrical grid, construct a modern deep-water port, or build a high-speed rail network using duffel bags of physical currency or un-audited hawala ledgers. These generational infrastructure projects require deep, institutional, and transparent capital markets rooted in regulatory trust.
The danger is not that gray markets exist. Informal finance has existed throughout history and often serves as a valuable safety valve during periods of crisis. The danger is that these systems become so effective at sustaining daily life that the urgency to rebuild formal institutions gradually disappears. Every successful hawala transfer, every cash-based property transaction, and every shipment financed outside the banking sector reinforces the perception that formal institutions are no longer necessary. Temporary solutions risk becoming permanent features of the economic landscape.
By allowing the formal banking sector to rot while the gray market thrives, the Middle East’s crisis-affected periphery is trading its future for its present. It is adjusting to institutional failure rather than fixing it. The longer these parallel networks run the show, the more permanent they become, permanently detaching the region from the global financial system. The cash café may be full, and the shadow merchants may be thriving, but the foundations for real economic sovereignty are quietly turning to dust.
Boston turns Iraqi before World Cup clash with Norway
Iraqi fans on Monday gathered across Boston ahead of Iraq’s World Cup opener against Norway, turning the city’s buildup into a diaspora rally before a Group I test against Erling Haaland’s side on June 17 at 01:00 Baghdad time.
For Iraq, the night carries two layers: the emotion of a long-awaited World Cup return and the immediate football challenge of facing Norway’s strongest generation in decades. Haaland and Martin Odegaard give Norway the clearer favorite’s profile, but Iraqi coach Graham Arnold has framed the match as a chance to play without fear.
The scenes in Boston reflected that mood. Supporters arrived from across the United States, Canada, and neighboring countries, gathering near the team hotel and in public areas with Iraqi flags, chants, and national songs ahead of kickoff.
Several supporters expressed that they came to witness Iraq’s return to the world stage and back the Lions of Mesopotamia throughout the full 90 minutes, hoping the team can deliver a result that resonates with Iraqis at home and abroad.
Norway coach Stale Solbakken acknowledged before the match that his side are favorites against Iraq, but stressed that does not guarantee victory. Football is decided “on the pitch, not on paper,” where small details can settle matches.
Solbakken’s team reached the World Cup with eight wins from eight qualifiers, scoring 37 goals and conceding five. Haaland scored 16 goals during the campaign, while Odegaard dismissed fitness concerns and confirmed he is ready for the opener.
The Norwegian coach also described his side’s second match against Senegal as evenly balanced despite Senegal’s higher FIFA ranking, and stated that France remain the group’s toughest opponent because of their quality and international experience.
That makes Iraq’s opener against Norway the most direct opportunity to collect early points before the schedule tightens. In the expanded 48-team format, a draw can carry value and a defeat is not fatal, but France and Senegal leave little room for a slow start.
Arnold has sought to turn that reality into a psychological advantage. The Australian coach rejected the “Group of Death” label and instead described Iraq’s section as the “Group of Excitement,” arguing there is no pressure on his team because many expect it to lose all three matches.
Instead, he said, the players must cross the white line with courage, energy, and passion.
The Guardian reported that Arnold lived in Baghdad for months to understand the players’ culture, daily routines, training conditions, prayer times, and the effects of the climate. He later banned social media to reduce pressure and negativity around the squad.
Communication also became part of the football plan. Arnold explained that most of the squad speak Arabic, while several Europe-born players are more comfortable in English, prompting him to organize the team with English-speaking players on one side, Arabic-speaking players on the other, and bilingual players through the spine to facilitate communication.
The American envoy Tom Barrack has arrived in Baghdad and will also visit Erbil. The files he is discussing include the weapons of the factions, completing the vacant ministerial portfolios, and the shape of the strategic relationship between Washington and Baghdad in the next phase, according to Iraqi government sources.How do you read Barrack’s visit to Iraq at this time? Is the goal to give greater momentum to the al-Zaidi government and definitively cut off Iranian influence? And will Baghdad succeed in balancing Washington’s pressures with its neighborly partnership?Discussing this with me from Baghdad is Ihsan al-Shammari, head of the Center for Political Thought. Good evening, Mr. Ihsan.
Main discussion points:Host: To what extent will Tom Barrack be able to wrest Iraq, under al-Zaidi’s leadership, from the clutches of Iranian influence at this stage?Ihsan al-Shammari:
Thank you for the invitation. I believe that the American conditions, even before the formation of Mr. Ali al-Zaidi’s government, fall within the framework of what you raised, Professor Fadila, regarding disengagement from Iran. This includes dismantling its military, economic, and even security alliances, and preventing Iraq from becoming a buffer zone for the sanctions currently imposed on Iran.I believe that with a deal that will include what are known as Iranian proxies, and with Barrack’s arrival coinciding with the announcement of a memorandum of understanding that may lead to a peace agreement, it is an American message that the United States, at the very least, will not allow Iran to regain its escalating dominance within Iraq.On the other hand, the Trump administration will not even allow what is known as a consensus or power-sharing arrangement.
Host: Before we go further, Mr. Shammari, do you believe that the issue of weapons outside the state, which Iraq suffers from, has become a basic condition for the United States in order to establish a continuous partnership with it? Did Tom Barrack come to Iraq in order to clarify this picture, in your opinion? He spoke with Shia leaders about this issue even before his official appointment. Therefore, Mr. al-Zaidi’s government did not include any representatives of these factions in its ministerial portfolios.
Ihsan al-Shammari:
On the other hand, the American condition remains, and it seems that Tom Barrack will adopt an American approach within a specific timeframe. We must go back to the very recent visit of Petraeus, the official or unofficial advisor to President Trump’s team managing the file. They laid out a roadmap for dismantling these weapons.Therefore, the United States is setting this condition as a basis for initiating or establishing a new relationship, not only between Baghdad and Washington, but also between Iraq and its Arab and regional neighbors.I believe that Tom Barrack’s visit is foundational on all levels, not only regarding weapons, but it will encompass the nature of the political equation in Iraq and then extend externally. Especially since Tom Barrack, after his appointment, spoke of a tripartite alliance between Baghdad, Damascus, and Ankara to serve as a point of contact for a new American strategy. Therefore, we are facing... This approach will be implemented, and I believe Tom Barrack will raise this issue with the Prime Minister and even with some Iraqi political actors.Host: You, Mr. Shammari, believe that the current Prime Minister or the current government is capable of imposing its monopoly on security decisions now.
Ihsan al-Shammari:
Frankly, I think it’s not accurate to assume it’s fully capable of monopolizing security decisions. However, we might see this after the six armed factions that have declared their opposition agree to surrender their weapons. Then we can talk about the state having definitively monopolized weapons and regained control of the decision to wage war.But the continued refusal of some armed parties and groups allied with Iran to surrender their weapons—until the withdrawal of American or international coalition forces, or as part of a justification for protecting the political system—I believe will return Mr. Zaidi’s government to a position of being unable to control weapons. Therefore, he may be forced to adopt an approach that is a mixture of the American vision and the Iraqi need, for the purpose of restructuring security decisions and keeping them within the authority of the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces.
Closing: Thank you very much to my guest in Baghdad, Ihsan al-Shammari.The video is a short news analysis segment (~6 minutes) focused on Iraqi politics, US involvement, and efforts to reduce Iranian influence through disarmament of factions and new strategic partnerships.
My Audio for June 15 2026 Iraqi News
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